The PAN, an ally of Vox in Latin America in an anti-communist bloc

Surprisingly, the Spanish party Vox de Santiago Abascal stormed the Mexican Senate to add legislators from the National Action Party of Mexico, placing this group in the conservative, business and Catholic niche, in addition to emerging in the last legislative elections of 6 June as the axis of an opposition bloc formed by the old and right-wing PRI and a washed-out PRD away from Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and President López Obrador.

The history of the PAN does not seem to be very well known in Spain. By ideological position, it would be placed in an intermediate space between the extreme right-wing Vox and the conservative Popular Party. The Mexican PAN was born from one of the ribs of the National Revolutionary Party-Party of the Mexican Revolution-Institutional Revolutionary Party and brought together the main conservative forces opposed to the utopian socialism of mixed economy and quasi-monopoly state of the president of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940 ), designated as the first populist president of modern Mexico.

The founder of the PAN was Manuel Gómez Morín, a lawyer, banker and former official in the government of President Álvaro Obregón, as well as the founder of a part of the Mexican financial system. The original groups of the PAN emerged from the anti-revolutionary conservatism, from the old liquidated Porfirism and from the side of historians favorable to the Spanish presence in the viceroyalty.

In a tight synthesis it can be said that the Mexican PAN is a Catholic, fundamentalist, pro-American and business party, although it is incorporated into the institutional structure of the old party system. From 1939 to 1976, the PAN was the only institutional opposition party, although with votes of between 8% and 15% and little affection to participate in presidential elections. The political reform of President López Portillo in 1977 opened the registration of new parties, among them the illegal and semi-clandestine Mexican Communist Party and two parties of the conservative right, including the Mexican Democratic Party that would have represented the interests of the Catholic groups known as Cristeros or soldiers of Christ who took up arms against the State in the late 1920s.

In the PRI perversion of fragmenting and manipulating the party system, in recent years at least four parties have opted for: the PRI that has been losing votes due to its neoliberal approach, the Cardenista and lopezobradorista PRD that was also born from a PRI rib, now Morena as a detachment from the PRI and the PRD, the PAN that has been reconfiguring its ideologies and political fragmentations and two smaller parties that have prevailed due to their alliances as obstacles to large parties: the Labor Party promoted by Raúl Salinas de Gortari, brother of the Former Mexican president, who represented social groups on the edge of the guerrillas in two northern states of Mexico and the Green Ecologist Party away from any environmentalist temptation and exploiting a proposal that has only configured votes.

The new Vox partner in Mexico, the PAN, has had ideological oscillations: it was born from the conservative businessmen and bankers who lost the revolution, it derived in a conservative political group distanced from the banking blocs, in the period from 1976 to 1989 it fell into the hands of again from businessmen known as the barbarians of the north who took the party to use it as a battering ram for expropriated bankers in 1982, in 1987 taken over by the populist business leader Vicente Fox to reach the presidency in 2000 and then incorporated into the international Christian Democracy .

The PAN represents a conservative, nineteenth-century political thought, with monarchical, business and religious tendencies, although without a strictly Catholic party profile. In 1985, at the behest of the then US Ambassador John Gavin, representative of the Ronald Reagan government, he allied with bankers, businessmen, ultra-rightist groups (the Yunque de Puebla and the Mexico City Wall) and the main conservative Catholic bishops of northern Mexico. . The purpose was to build a new power bloc with the support of the White House to remove the PRI’s majority in the Chamber of Deputies in 1985 and the presidency in 1988 with the candidacy of the far-right businessman Manuel J. Clouthier and the support of the bankers. expropriated in 1982. However, the PAN won the presidency in 2000 with ranchero politician Fox and in 2006 with bureaucrat Felipe Calderón Hinojosa.

The appearance of López Obrador and Morena broke the spaces of domination and power of the PRI and the PAN and placed Morena as the first party political force with a vote of between 40% to 50%, leaving the PAN as the second political force with 20%, the PRI as the third with 15% and the PRD on the verge of extinction with only 3% electoral.

The electorate’s message politically divided Mexico into two blocs: the center-left-anti-neoliberal coalition with Morena and political figures from the old PRI regime and the opposition PAN-PRI-PRD alliance as representative of the political model of the old neoliberal PRI regime of Carlos Salinas de Gortari. In this year’s legislative elections, the country was divided into 52% of Morena and 48% of the opposition. The dynamizing axis of the opposition was assumed by the PAN and with this the conservative profile against the López Obrador government was defined.

However, the opposition alliance has conditioned the PAN to a project of a non-radical center that allows the alliance with the PRI and the PRD. In this sense, the incorporation of some PAN senators to the Vox Madrid Charter has already fractured the Mexican opposition due to the anti-communist and monarchical profile of the Abascal group because these ideas have been banished from the daily political life of Mexico.

The first reactions in the media and in the opposition were not supportive of the PAN allies to Vox and the PAN itself – which is in the internal process to elect the party’s national president – outlines an institutional demarcation of the Madrid Charter of Vox and therefore the real political effect in favor of the Spanish proposal will diminish. And at the end of the day, Mexico has already abandoned any anti-communist profile in its political forces for many years and in fact there is a push-and-pull dispute to seize the national political and ideological center.

Editorial novelty: acquire the book El shock neoliberal en México, Editorial Indicador Político, written by Carlos Ramírez, Samuel Schmidt and Rubi Rivera; available on Amazon in digital or printed eBook version:

The content of this column is the sole responsibility of the columnist and not of the newspaper that publishes it.

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