PRI, Ulises Ruiz and the Peña Group: they are few and they expel critics

The decision of the formal structures of the PRI to expel former Oaxacan governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz from the party comes in the political times of hardening of the Peña Nieto Group to maintain control of the party for the negotiations that come with Morena in Congress and in the presidential office of 2024.

In recent months, former governor Ruiz Ortiz has been growing criticism of the control of the PRI by former president Enrique Peña Nieto, Luis Videgaray Caso and Aurelio Nuño Mayer as the scene of the so-called “pact of impunity” of the supporters with the Morena government that They led the tricolor to the agreed defeat of the PRI / non-PRI José Antonio Meade Kuribreña.

The Peñista strategy for the PRI has to do with the nomination of a PRI candidate for the presidency for 2024 outside the Opposition Alliance, as another favor from Peña Nieto to the Morena-AMLO candidate for the presidency. In this context, the Peña Group needs a PRI under strict control. The data leaked so far would indicate that the PRI would not participate with a candidate allied with the PAN (the PRD will no longer exist in 2024) and thereby weaken the opposition.

It is one thing that the PRI is irreformable and impossible to democratize for reasons of DNA of origin and another thing that it has been losing its spaces for compensation of groups and relative plurality. One of the pivots of the activism of former governor Ruiz Ortiz in the PRI has been to demand the expulsion of Peña Nieto from the party under the accusation of being responsible for the party’s debacle in the short period 2016-2018 with the nomination of candidates for governor marked for corruption and the designation of a PRI / non-PRI as presidential candidate. Peña lost seven governorships in 2016 and brought the PRI’s vote from 33% –without the Green– in 2012 to 13% –without the Green and Nueva Alianza– in 2018.

In the political scenario of the Morenoist reconfiguration of the PRI, the case of Ruiz Ortiz is just one part of the agenda of undebated and less resolved PRI liabilities and reveals the concern of the formal leadership of the PRI for deeper internal fractures due to the party’s situation. .

The PRI’s dilemma does not move in the scenario of the impossible recovery of spaces of power or corporate strength, but of the future of its alliance with the PAN that took away territorial space in 2016 with six governorships and the strategic reasons of the PRI in the presidential elections of 2024 for the impunity pact signed with the Moreno government.

The Peña Nieto Group that maintains control of the PRI is urged to quell internal debates and is much more concerned with avoiding complaints against Peña Nieto and its legislative priority will lie in alliances with Morena on the presidential agenda.

For the avoidance of doubt, formal power in the PRI passed to the head of the PRI bench, the former governor of Coahuila, Rubén Moreira, leaving the president of the CEN as one more deputy than the few who came through the multinominal route.

In this sense, the Ruiz Ortiz case has less to do with the former Oaxacan governor and much more to do with the outbreaks of PRI indiscipline in the declining bases that have been abandoned by the power groups that control the party. In any case, in the PRI the hurtful phrases of Ruiz Ortiz hurt, such as the one he pointed out in a letter when informing his followers of the expulsion: “Do you intend to strengthen the PRI from the National Palace through agreements in the dark?”

The future of the Opposition Alliance may not pass the test of internal strength in the grouped parties: the PRD has disappeared from the political scene, the PAN has polarized itself between the right and the extreme right, and the PRI has begun a Stalinian purge against dissident voices calling for practices indispensable and unthinkable democratic institutions within the tricolor.

The PRI has destroyed Peña Nieto in their hands. The democratic coups in the unions of the CTM as part of the labor agreements signed by Peña Nieto are also leaving the party without corporate pillars, since the CNOP is liquidated, the CNC does not represent the peasants and the labor sector has been crushed by the union democracy.

Policy for dummies: Politics is the ability to add, not subtract.

Editorial novelty: Acquire the book El shock neoliberal en México, Editorial Indicador Político, written by Carlos Ramírez, Samuel Schmidt and Rubi Rivera; available on Amazon in digital or printed eBook version: https://www.amazon.com/dp/B09919C13V

The content of this column is the sole responsibility of the columnist and not of the newspaper that publishes it.

Leave a Comment